Obama's icy relationship with Congress: Can it ever thaw? - az-links.info
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi listens as President Barack Obama speaks to the press before a meeting with bipartisan congressional. For the last two years, Nancy Pelosi has been the driving force WASHINGTON — When the th Congress convenes Tuesday, Representative Nancy Pelosi will The two built a very close relationship as they mapped the. Former President Obama on Tuesday voiced his support for Rep. Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., saying that the former Speaker of the House “will go to retake the House in January — praised her record as a congressional leader. . the World · Advertise With Us · Ad Choices · Media Relations · Compliance.
GOP lawmakers also point to a host of other executive actions that they say are excessive: Lack of trust "is an overriding issue that covers far more than immigration," says Rep.
Lamar Smith R of Texas. Obama may not have signed as many executive orders as previous presidents, he says, but their scope is breathtaking.
Obama backs Pelosi as 'one of the most effective legislative leaders' in US history
On immigration, the White House has responded that the "trust" accusation doesn't stand up to scrutiny. It's merely cover for the speaker's inability to control his divided caucus on this issue, Democrats say. More broadly, Obama has said he's being forced to act on his own because he can't get cooperation from Congress. So wherever and whenever I can take steps without legislation to expand opportunity for more American families, that's what I'm going to do.
Obama's legislative scorecard with Congress — what's called the "presidential success rate" — is not as bad as one might think.
Obama's icy relationship with Congress: Can it ever thaw?
Most presidents going back to Dwight Eisenhower have, at some point during their time in the Oval Office, batted in that range or even lower. Even in Obama's worst legislative year so far —when his presidential success rate was 54 percent — he outperformed Richard Nixon's lowest score from Obama also scored higher than Mr.
Clinton's nadir in Bush, in It's important to remember that the slope from Capitol Hill to the White House is not supposed to be some downhill ski course where the president zooms toward victory after dropping off his latest idea at the starting gate of Congress.
The Founding Fathers built lots of moguls to slow things down and even stop them. Those include two equal branches of Congress — not always held by the same party or the president's party; varying election schedules — two years for the House, six years for the Senate, four years for the president; different constituencies — from districts, to states, to a nation; and other checks and balances, such as the presidential veto.
What's notable about the Obama-Congress relationship is how steeply it declined. Inthe newly elected president of hope and change had the highest presidential success rate with Congress in the history of the modern presidency — Clinton, however, fell even further after the Republican sweep in the midterms — and he made a remarkable recovery by finding common ground with Speaker Gingrich. Is there something that Obama can learn from the "comeback kid"?
Panetta, who also served as Clinton's chief of staff, thinks so. He recalls a conversation when Gingrich first became speaker. But Bill Clinton never, never lost that confidence that somehow he could find a way to get it done. Panetta suggests that both Obama and Boehner "put everything on the table" and allow a give-and-take that will lead to getting things done. Some say Obama has basically given up, a view that Panetta shares. Professor Wayne of Georgetown posits that Obama uses GOP pushback and antipathy toward his policies, as well as his lack of personal relations on the Hill, "as an excuse not to get his hands dirty.
How Pelosi broke with Obama - POLITICO
Obama wants to be more of a visionary president, Wayne explains, and assumes that everything he is in favor of will automatically be opposed.
Maybe that's true, Wayne continues, "but he has not really tried. Inin the midst of the argument over raising the debt ceiling, Obama worked with Boehner on a long-term deal to address the debt — but had the rug pulled out from under him when Boehner wasn't able to deliver. Last year, he submitted a budget with a definite "ouch" factor for the progressive wing of his party — changing the way Social Security cost-of-living adjustments are calculated, for instance.
It was declared dead on arrival by the Republicans. And Obama's budget doesn't include this measure. The first few months of Gingrich's being in charge were "horrible" for the White House, says Patrick Griffin, who was Clinton's congressional liaison. Democrats attacked the president for losing control of Congress.
But then the White House got its opening: Griffin says, helped along by Gingrich gaffes.
The next election also meant Republicans needed to put some successes on the board. Clinton distanced himself from leftist Democrats to meet Gingrich on a balanced budget, welfare reform, and smaller issues. While Gingrich faced restless troops who didn't trust him to deal alone with Clinton, the GOP division was not nearly as stark as it is with the tea party and Boehner. Today, Republican distrust of Obama is not the heart of the issue, Griffin contends.
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Congress is headed for midterm elections, and the president is facing lame-duck years. The prospects for big deals are slim.
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A president usually turns to smaller items and foreign policy — his phone and pen, as Obama puts it, to pursue his agenda. See who's who in Obama's White House. But their differences could have serious consequences. Democrats are enjoying expanded majorities in both congressional chambers as well as control of the White House, but their potential to see much of their agenda passed rests on their ability to get along. Back then, House Republicans didn't openly revolt against President Bush until the sixth year of his Administration, bitterly but quietly swallowing early bipartisan programs like the Medicare Prescription Drug Plan and No Child Left Behind.
By contrast, even before Obama took office, he and Pelosi diverged on bailing out the failing auto companies.
Pelosi was forced to swallow a compromise, though that deal died in the Senate and ultimately President Bush used money from the bank bailout to help Detroit. See pictures of the remains of Detroit.Pelosi Urges Congress To Ratify Nuclear Arms Treaty
Pelosi has also been vocal in calling on the President to repeal Bush's tax cuts for the wealthiest Americans this year, a move Obama has been unwilling to commit to in the current economic climate; some in the Administration have suggested that it's preferable to just let the cuts lapse when they expire next year. And the House Speaker has refused to rule out investigating former Bush Administration officials, even after Obama said he would prefer to keep the party's focus forward-looking.
But the starkest differences have been over the stimulus plan. Pelosi didn't agree, ultimately delivering legislation with just a third in tax cuts. See pictures of Obama behind the scenes on Inauguration Day.