Germany–Kurdistan Region relations - Wikipedia
Iraq has identified Germany as the country whose companies did to the crisis in German-US relations, stirred by Berlin's opposition to an. Bilateral Relations. Iraq. German missions. Deutsche Botschaft / How the German Government assists in areas liberated from IS · Show more. Related content. The article explores and explains Germany's pre-emptive 'No' to the The Iraq War as a Turning Point in German–American Relations.
Just a worried power that will act once it is reassured by the U. Indeed, the episode did work some electoral magic for Schroeder: Sensing the opposition among German voters ineven before the issue ignited in other countries, Schroeder took an unequalled hard-line stand: Germany, he declared, would not join a military campaign in Iraq, not even if it was mandated by the UN Security Council. This was radical stuff for a Germany that had for so long found comfort in the notion that it had abandoned part of its sovereignty to the UN and to NATO.
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But in the longer run, Germany and its allies may have to contend with the legacy of a doctrine forged by Schroeder to anchor his policy: This doctrine remains a tentative new policy of the international community. Since this doctrine includes a provision for military intervention in extreme cases, it could provide a variant on the old credo of civilian tools only for crisis management.
Germany–Iraq relations - Wikipedia
But it would be extremely complicated to pursue in practice. He is well placed to narrate the Germany story. Dettke is still based in Washington, where he is a professor at Georgetown University.
Dettke traces the roots of his character to his upbringing in a poor family headed by a single mother.
Determined to surmount early obstacles, Schroeder developed a strong personality, with an exceptional capacity for independent decision-making. In this career, he developed his signature assets of political savvy and openness to risk-taking. All these traits were at work in the crisis over Iraq. In saying that then, Schroeder became the first EU leader to break openly with Washington.
In taking this stance, Schroeder was partly motivated by his dislike of Bush. He had headed his country for two years by the time the American reached the White House. The two men detested each other, perhaps partly because they shared strong impulses of ambition, self-confidence and willfulness that fed their mutual antagonism. Ironically, Schroeder shared these traits with Putin, with whom he got along famously.
The two had similarly aggressive personalities, and Putin spoke perfect German from his years as a spy when he was head of KGB operations in Dresden in what was then East Germany. In fact, as one of his last acts as chancellor, Schroeder gave the German go-ahead to Nord Stream, a Baltic Sea pipeline carrying Russian natural gas to Germany which by-passed Ukraine and Poland.
And immediately after leaving office, he was rewarded with a senior executive position in the Russian company running the pipeline — which just this month received a full go-ahead for construction.
Schroeder, the first chancellor to be too young to remember World War II — also became the first German leader to be invited to attend D-Day commemorations in France. Chirac invited him a year in advance, inat the height of the bitter antagonism between the Franco-German team and Washington.
His legacy is equally mixed. Dettke contends that he used the Iraq crisis to crystallize a new attitude among Germans on the use of German troops in combat. One result can be seen in the current reluctance of Berlin, even under a conservative Chancellor, to send troops to Afghanistan: Another result is the liability caused by military weakness on any Germany ambitions to attain a leadership position in EU foreign policy.
And even bigger questions remain about whether he succeeded in finally distancing Germany from its cold-war subservience to the U. But Dettke seems to feel there are questions for Germans. Can they be responsible contributors to international security without a real military?
Germany–Kurdistan Region relations
Die tageszeitung's report nevertheless added an explosive new dimension to the crisis in German-US relations, stirred by Berlin's opposition to an American-led invasion. Citing sources close to Dick Cheney, the US vice-president, the report said that the Bush administration hoped to show that German companies were continuing to cooperate with Saddam Hussein's regime. US efforts were focussing on a German microelectronics firm about whose activities Berlin was apparently told about in Die tageszeitung said that some of the businesses listed had been dealing in conventional arms with Iraq until at least The report also blew apart an unwritten agreement between the UN, governments and industry that companies which contributed, wittingly or unwittingly, to Iraq's arms build-up should not be named.
The UN weapons inspection mission in New York spent several days purging the Iraqi declaration of company names. Die tageszeitung cited 27 companies, including some of the best-known names in German industry such as Daimler-Benz which merged with Chrysler of the US four years agoMAN and Siemens.
A spokesman for Siemens said: In a dispatch from Geneva, the newspaper said the copy of the Iraqi report which it had obtained was made from the original handed over by the authorities in Baghdad and shipped to New York via Cyprus.Breaking News - Germany murder suspect arrested in Iraq
One UN diplomat who had read the report said that the German correspondent must have at least seen parts of the Iraqi declaration, which was supposed to remain secret after it was handed over on December 7.