Rob Fiedler, Nadine Schuurman and Jennifer Hyndman1 Toronto), and the resulting urban and social change produced, has attracted refugees) face in obtaining suitable housing (Mattu, ; Miraftab, ; Murdie, . to access housing meeting housing norms (CMHC, ). Immigrant Communities ( MOSAIC). In Toronto, thanks to Rob Penfold, who took the trouble to meet me at the airport, ) that forms the undercurrent of urban geography, specifically the conflict pains to distinguish the Canadian mosaic from the American melting pot. population and economic importance (Murdie, ; Germain and Rose, ). Murdie, Robert and Emily Skop. Immigration and . From Urban Enclave to Ethnic Suburb: New Asian Inside the Mosaic edited by Eric Fong. Book review .. Processes. Annual Meeting of the Association of American Geographers.
Chetty finds that children from a low socio-economic background are less likely to produce patents as adults, a measure of innovation. Conversely, children of parents with high economic status are much more likely to produce patents through cumulative advantages of opportunity.
There is a high degree of overlap between the factors that enable innovation and entrepreneurship in the broader economy, and the factors that enable social innovation and social entrepreneurship in the social economy. Government Expenditures on Social Services 19The second macroeconomic trend affecting the size of the social economy is government expenditures on social services.
Elson describes the changing relationship between the government and the social economy in Canada, particularly the role of government as the primary funders of social economy organizations. With different levels of government continuing to reduce services due to fiscal constraints, social economy organizations inevitably fill the resulting void.
According to Elson, even after downloading a number of social services to the provinces, the federal government remains the largest social service funder. Although federal governments have been formed by political parties of different ideologies, the trend since the s has been a continuing reduction in the funding of social services Quarter, Mook and Armstrong Based on experience in the UK, a country at the forefront of government devolution to the social economy, Unwin classifies the government funding relationship with social economy organizations into giving, shopping and investing categories.
According to Unwingiving typically involves transfer of funds from the government to social economy organizations through grants, shopping typically involves loans to social economy organizations, and investment involves government investing in equity.
Therefore the types of funding available to social economy organizations in Canada have changed significantly over time. Charities, in particular, continue to be dependent on government funding for the majority of their revenues Imagine Canada, In addition to changes in the type of funding being available to social economy organizations in Canada, the level of funding has decreased compared to other Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development OECD countries.
A report by the Centre for the Study of Living Standards compared public social spending in Canada over 20 years, fromand found that over the past twenty years, public social spending by Canada has fallen significantly below the OECD average. The rate of increase of public social spending in Canada was found to be lower than Germany, United Kingdom, and the United States. Government social spending, a form of income redistribution, has direct outcomes on poverty rates, income inequality and the social economy.
Elson summarizes the current trends in government funding by referencing a report by the Canadian Council on Social Development It is characterized by: At the same time as government social spending in decreasing, the size of the social economy is growing due to growing demand for social services, requiring additional human resources. The support systems for starting and growing social economy organizations are piecemeal compared to other industries and sectors, leading to a significant pipeline problem Canadian Task Force on Social Finance, Demographic Changes in Canada 24The second trend is changes in the demographic makeup of Canada.
In addition to population growth through immigration, the Indigenous population is the fastest growing group in Canada Statistics Canada, c. There is a corresponding growth in the demand for culturally appropriate social services for immigrants and Indigenous communities. The need for culturally appropriate services has been expressed most compellingly by Indigenous communities in Canada, since these communities have experienced the deepest negative effects of cultural domination. The social economy will grow not only by expanding the cultural competencies of existing organizations but also by the formation of new organizations, started by a diverse group of leaders with different lived experiences and cultural capital.
The findings by Ornstein are supported by more recent and in depth research for the Indigenous population in Toronto, through the Toronto Aboriginal Research Project Toronto Aboriginal Support Services Council, The intersectionality of race, class and gender have been experienced most acutely by Indigenous communities in Canada through colonialism, capitalism, and patriarchy Palmater, Although there is a significant quantity of research on issues in Indigenous communities, there is limited research on solutions to these issues by Indigenous organizations, particularly social economy organizations that are a critical component of developing community asset-based solutions.
Ethno-Racial Diversity and the Social Economy 26Statistics Canada b indicates that Canadian communities large and small are becoming more ethno-racially diverse primarily due to immigration. The conditions that have led to the growth of the social economy, such as income inequality, now need to take into account growing ethno-racial diversity. The central argument made in this manuscript is that there are systematic changes required in the way the social economy addresses ethno-racial diversity in Canada.
Intergenerational mobility is limited not only by class, but also by race in Canada. Corak for example, concludes that intergenerational mobility in Canada is limited to immigrants from particular ethnic groups, namely Caribbean, African and Latin American immigrants.
The disproportionally lower percentage of visible minorities in the social economy is not due to lack of interest in social and environmental causes, as immigrants and visible minorities have the same level of interest in social and environmental issues as other Canadians. Earth Day Canada surveyed interest in environmental issues for immigrants and found a strong level of interest in environmental issues, but the issues identified by immigrants were different from those focused on by mainstream environmental movement.
Toronto Workforce Innovation Group found a difference in over-representation of Black individuals in worker roles, and under representation as managers in non-profit organizations in Toronto. A report by the Mowat Centre on the social economy in Ontario indicates there is a demographic gap in ethno-racial diversity between leadership in the Social Economy in Ontario and its client population. An earlier report on nonprofit sector diversity in Toronto echoes this finding DiverseCity, Diversity has become a significant focus for the organization representing social entrepreneurs in the United States, the Social Enterprise Alliance Lynch, The HR Council for the Non-Profit Sector indicates the benefits of diversity on non-profit boards include ability to access community resources, ability to respond to external changes, and better decision making identifying the full range of opportunities and risks.
One of the impetuses for the New Economy has been the Occupy movement Breau, There are strong signals that Canada is heading in the direction of the United States in terms of higher income inequality, lower intergenerational mobility and lower socio-economic opportunity by geography, class and race United Way of Greater Toronto, First, participation as leaders, managers and volunteers in mainstream organizations.
Second, formation of ethno-specific voluntary organizations that represent their specific interests. This initiative addresses the first form of participation described by Meinhard et al.
The research by Meinhard et al. Conversely, when fewer ethnic institutions exist, individuals compete for the limited number of board positions in mainstream organizations.
Centre for Urban and Community Studies: Greater Toronto Urban Observatory
Based on the ground-breaking report, Poverty by Postal Code United Way of Greater Toronto,the United Way of Greater Toronto has developed a Strong Neighborhoods Strategy that invests specifically in designated Neighborhood Improvement Areas in Toronto, including setting up hubs that support co-working spaces for non-profit organizations.
Although this strategy is geographically based, and geared towards provision of new services in low income, racialized neighborhoods, and therefore will alleviate some of the service deficit issues in low-income areas, outcomes for organization level ethno-racial diversity are yet to be determined. The problem a social economy organization addresses and the solution direction is primarily determined by the founders of the organization. Different groups and individuals will find different problems to be salient, and different solutions to be appropriate.
It is therefore the founding and startup stage of social economy organizations where the effort to increase diversity has to be focused. The barriers faced by equity seeking groups in entrepreneurship in the broader economy, such as class, race and gender issue, apply to starting up organizations in the social economy.
More broadly, the two most ethnically diverse cities in Canada, Toronto and Vancouver, have the lowest percentage of ethnic charities.
Based on survey data from the US, Putnam found that in areas of greater ethno-racial diversity, there is: Less likelihood of working on a community project.
Lower likelihood of giving to charity or volunteering. Garrow found that an increasing percentage of Blacks and Latinos in Los Angeles County was associated with a greater number of disbanded closed or abandoned non-profit organizations, while an increasing percentage of Whites reduced the number of disbanded non-profit organizations.
Bourdieu indicates that fields, including the field of the social economy, is not a level playing field. White communities who have historically had more economic and social capital are able to sustain organizations which serve local interests, whereas Black and Latino communities having lower levels of economic and social capital are unable to sustain all existing organizations.
In other words, ethnic and immigrant serving charities were located in low-income areas where unemployment is high, and where self-employment is seen as a solution to lack of unemployment. In summary, the research indicates that ethno-racial diversity is negatively correlated with the density of social economy organizations. Where ethnic community related charities exist, they do not have a positive effect on unemployment, but there is a positive correlation with self-employment.
The enablers and barriers for the formation of social economy organizations by ethno-racial groups, remains an under-researched area. Barriers to Social Economy Organization Formation by Ethno-Racial Groups 36In order to direct efforts towards a desirable future where everyone from different communities has the same opportunities to start up social economic organizations, we must understand historical restrictions on social economy organizations.
Women of Color Against Violence,the authors make the case that the mainstream civil sector organizations often act against the interests of grassroots organizations, particularly since the societal changes demanded by grassroots require genuine changes in power structures.
Inciteemphasizes the efforts of racialized feminist groups and the suppression of efforts by mainstream feminist organizations.
Incite suggests that mainstream feminist organizations essentially do not want to alter power structures. Wolch provides a broader critique of the non-profit sector indicating the sector has lost its advocacy role by becoming closer to the government and private sectors. Entrepreneurship Suppression and the Social Economy 38Light and Dana describe suppression of entrepreneurship when the social capital of a dominant group inhibits entrepreneurship of other groups.
Light and Dana indicate there are two types of entrepreneurship suppression, malevolent and inadvertent entrepreneurship suppression. Historically, malevolent entrepreneurship suppression was experienced by Indigenous, Black and Immigrant communities in the United States and in Canada.
GEM separates entrepreneurship in different countries by factors driven, efficiency driven, and innovation driven categories, placing Canada and the UK in the innovation driven category. Harding completed one of the main GEM studies specifically surveying Social Enterprise, and indicates there is a higher intention for starting social enterprise among minorities, but a lower number of owner managers are minorities, particularly Black Africans and Black Caribbeans.
The Toronto Workforce Innovation Group provides evidence that the non-profit sector has a higher than population proportion of Black workers in the social economy, versus lower than population proportion of Black leaders in the social economy.
These two reports indicate that the Black community has both intention to start organizations and employment in the social economy, but has limited leadership and management opportunities. In a related Marxist critique, Roelofs describes the social economy or the third sector as a protective layer of capitalism, where social economy organizations are a form of pacification of more radical racialized movements that would realign power and economic structures. Allen describes the treatment of Black communities in the US as a form of domestic colonialism.
Allen characterizes the racialized urban areas of American cities as part of the ghetto infrastructure and the existence of a ghetto buffer class of small Black business owners and Black social service organization managers. Allen describes Black capitalists as a form of social control, and educated and trained Blacks who are managers of social economy organizations to be new managers of the ghetto.
Allen therefore implicates not only the state, but the private sector, as well as the social economy in maintaining racial inequalities. Allen describes a class of racialized unemployed and precariously employed people who are part of the internal colonies who serve as repositories for a reserve supply of labour.
In other words, Allen indicates there is a strong intentionality to limit opportunities for low-income, racialized individuals to only employees in the social economy, rather than creators and founders. Given the findings from the social economy labor force survey Toronto Workforce Innovation Group, that demonstrate a higher than population proportion of Black workers in the social economy, versus lower than population proportion of Black leaders, the theories described by Allen warrant further examination.
The Indigenous population of Canada consists of 4. Related surveys indicate the following percentages of surveyed social enterprises which served Indigenous communities in other provinces: The survey results indicate a pattern of engagement between Indigenous communities and social enterprise in Canada that is proportionally much greater than the Indigenous population.
Indigenous communities led social economy organizations in Canada are shaped by the population, geographic distribution, history of colonization, and local and global contexts. Indigenous knowledge is often suppressed by the hegemony of Eurocentric knowledge in the Social Economy in Canada. Battiste and Henderson argue for the benefits the Western world can gain from Indigenous knowledge.
There are three basic types of social economy organizations engaged with Indigenous communities in the struggle for legitimacy of Indigenous knowledge. Organizations developed by Indigenous communities, utilizing Indigenous knowledge and philosophy, primarily serving Indigenous clients. Organizations developed by non-Indigenous communities, utilizing Euro-centric knowledge, serving Indigenous and non-Indigenous clients. Organizations developed by non-Indigenous communities, utilizing both Euro-centric and Indigenous knowledge usually through the employment of Indigenous personnel serving Indigenous and non-Indigenous clients.
Eurocentric and non-Indigenous knowledge is utilized to address Indigenous client needs of the majority of social economy organizations, often resulting in additional risks rather than benefits. As the Indigenous population of Canada grows, there will be a growing need for culturally appropriate services provided by social economy organizations.
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