Litunga khama meet the parents

Zambia : Aka advised to leave the Litunga out of Politics

litunga khama meet the parents

Lewanika (–) was the Lozi Litunga (king or paramount chief) of Barotseland from Monsier Coillard, was his interpreter at the meeting and the King was reassured by Coillard's confidence in these men. Lewanika Lewanika's eldest son was named Litia, and succeeded as Yeta III on his father´s death. His third. Mr. Mubukwanu said accusing the Litunga of working with former traditional leadership in political matters as the Litunga has nothing to do Ask those who know that family better they will tell you that their father through our colonialists .. Aka is alleged by the post to have convened a Caucus meeting at. Lozi Litunga (in black) and his people of Barotseland Bo ndate Father . Griqua traders were the first to reach the Kololo from the south.

Lewanika is a nickname, his real name was Lubosi. He acquired Liwanika name as people remembered his ability to unite tribes and Nations. Of the 73 plus Zambian languages, 31 are from Barotseland.

In truth there is no tribe called Lozi. Bulozi or Barotseland is a Nation or Kingdom consisting of different tribes and peoples who have come to be known as Malozi today. Lozi is citizenship not a tribe. But those who want to devide and rule erroneously or purposely designate Lozi versus all of the above. The following are implications of not including Western Province submissions: Lozi man in his traditional outfit Domestic Unit.

Residence patterns in marriage are loosely structured. Formerly, initial residence was matrilocal, whereas permanent residence later on was usually patrilocal. However, a man could take up residence in the village of any grandparent, and possibly even in the wife's father's village, if there were no available locations in his father's village. Incidences of avunculocal residence have also been reported for the Lozi. Lozi woman and her kids in Sesheke, Western Zambia The nuclear family constitutes the basic economic unit of Lozi society.

In polygynous marriages, each wife has a separate dwelling and her own gardens and animals to tend. She has the rights of disposition of her own produce and receives a share of the husband's produce. Cooperation in production and consumption between co-wives is highly variable.

The traditional ideal is that each wife produces only for her husband and her own children, but it appears that there has been an increased tendency away from this ideal of separateness. In the past it was common for one wife to prepare food for the whole polygynous unit. A thatcher at work in Sesheke, Western Zambia Sociopolitical Organization During the days of the Lozi Kingdom, there was no higher territorially based organization than the village, except for the kingdom as a whole.

Beginning with British rule, however, territorial organization was introduced, with villages organized into districts, districts organized into Barotse Province, and the province, in turn, forming a part of a larger political unit or state. In contrast, the Lozi Kingdom was hierarchically organized into a system of nonterritorial political sectors.

Members of a sector owed allegiance to the sector head, a man who held a senior title in the Lozi court. These sectors were dispersed throughout the kingdom and served as judicial, military, and administrative units. The Lozi Kingdom was highly stratified socially.

At the top was the royalty linabi and bana bamulenacomposed of all those who could trace their descent from a king bilaterally within four to five generations. Husbands of princesses and commoners related to royalty were also of high status. Below them were the ordinary commoners. Slaves and serfs formed the lowest strata. The institutions of serfdom and slavery were abolished in The king was the ultimate authority. In earlier times, a chief princess held almost equivalent power over the southern portion of the kingdom, but British rule eroded her powers.

In addition, the Lozi courts had a number of stewards, councilors, and members of royalty, all of whom participated in decision making. The most important office next to that of the king was that of ngambela, chief councilor, sometimes referred to as the "imperial chancellor," a commoner who represented the commoners' interests in the court.

Allocation of power within the Lozi power structure was highly complex and dichotomized. Commoner interests were balanced against royal interests from the top down. Lozi men The prerogatives and functions of the king and his courts have undergone steady erosion since the beginning of British colonial rule. As part of a larger political unit, the king was no longer the ultimate power.

  • The Barotseland contention

Power in judicial matters was first limited to minor legal cases and later placed completely within the Zambian judicial system. Similarly, the right to collect tribute was taken from the king.

Bymost of the governance of the Lozi was through Zambian national agencies, and the right to distribute land rights was virtually the only power that the king could still exercise. Lozi woman Sanctions maintaining relationships among the Lozi are general and diffuse; breaches of their rules lead to far more serious consequences than a lawsuit in court. Penalties applied to an erring kinsman may range not only from loss of rights to cattle and land, but also the loss of support from fellow kinsmen in various economic endeavors.

Conscience and sentiments are major factors in inducing conformity and in making redress for wrongs. Generally, the settlement of everyday problems and the administration of justice is handled at the village level.

Should the verdict not satisfy the parties involved, the case is passed along to the next level in a hierarchial court system, until satisfaction is obtained.

LOZI PEOPLE: UNIQUE ZAMBIAN TRIBE OF THE KINGDOM OF BAROTSELAND AND THEIR FAMOUS KUOMBOKA CEREMONY

Lozi elderly man and his wife Historically, warfare was very common among the Lozi. Lozi kings fought not so much to enrich themselves, although they obviously increased their power and prestige through successful military operations, but to obtain land and cattle, to add to their subject population, and to extend the area of tribute-exchange in which the conquered shared.

litunga khama meet the parents

At the height of their power, the Lozi ruled over some twenty-five tribes of fromtopeople spread over an area of somesquare kilometers. After British rule was established inthe Lozi domain was restricted to Barotse Province of Rhodesia later, Zambia.

In traditional society, rebellion against the authority of the king was common. Often contenders for power were the king's councilor or groups of councilors, who had enlisted a prince of the royal family on their behalf. When a group of councilors mutinied against a king, because of the king's policies or because he favored another group of councilors, they attacked neither the kingship itself nor the rights of the royal family to it.

Each party put forward its royal candidate for the throne and fought in his name. Clearly, commoners could only seek power by serving their own royal candidate for the kingship.

litunga khama meet the parents

Lozi man paddling canoe Sexual division of production: The division of labor in subsistence pursuits largely follows lines of sex. Men are responsible for livestock, hunting, most of the fishing,and the more arduous agricultural tasks; while women do most of the work in agriculture and collecting, a little fishing, and most of the routine domestic chores.

Occupational specialization was limited in the past, but has become increasingly important. As with so many other modernizing countries, migration for wage labor opportunities has become a major means of support for the Lozi cf.

Peters ; Gluckman In previous times, economic exchange was effected through barter and redistribution by the king, but the Lozi are now part of a full-fledged cash economy with market mechanisms. Lozi people of Barotseland,Zambia Land tenure: All of the land belongs to the king. The king provides his people with land to live on and to work on.

Everyone in the village has the right to fish in all public waters, hunt on public land and use any raw materials on the land. In return the king has right to claim any goods produced by the people. Some of the products make by the people were used to contribute to the building of the village. Lozi woman The king provides landless people with unused land. The village headman was in charge of the actual distribution of the land to the villagers.

If a man leaves the village he loses all right to any land owning. Lozi Religious Life The matrix of the Lozi religion is composed of a threefold strain, namely: Nyambe cult,royal grave cult and ancestral worship Mainga This religious schema includes communion with the Supreme Being.

Worshippers achieve this through sacrifices and offerings to God and ancestors.

litunga khama meet the parents

Such gifts serve the purpose of appeasement. Rituals are accompanied by material aspects of praying such as singing and dancing. Lozi traditional people When faced with calamities, people respond through prayer and sacrifices. Lozi people may approach God directly or indirectly. The services of a royal gravesite custodian, village headman and family elder are employed in mediating between the victim and the spiritual realm. At other times, diviners and witchdoctors are consulted, particularly when witchcraft is suspected.

Witchdoctors prescribe both curative and preventative medicine. Similarly, rainmakers are called upon when there is a drought.

Although the Lozi traditional ruler is not a priest, he acts on behalf of the kingdom by presenting a sacrificial animal to the grave custodian when there is a national crisis. Lozi native medicine man In Lozi society, communal danger arises from alien nations and offended royal ancestors even the Supreme Being. These may cause lack of rain and epidemics. Individual danger is caused by human and spiritual foes. Human enemies normally would be witches. Spiritual foes are malevolent spirits.

These enemies may cause loss of property,accidents, sickness and death. As in many other religious traditions, among the Lozi, prayer is an attempt to influence and manipulate the supernatural forces with a view of gaining positive outcomes.

These supernatural forces are known to possess powers of control over different objectives of the communities and in individuals.

Aka advised to leave the Litunga out of Politics

Of necessity, the nature and character of prayer is influenced by the needs of society and individuals at given times in history. Nyambe cult In the Lozi religious experience, the cult of Nyambe appears to be predominant Giles It follows that all prayers are addressed to Nyambe directly Mainga Nyambe is the name of the Supreme Being.

He is accorded with a realization of having created all things. Nyambe is therefore superior to all spirits Jalla Some of his attributes include omniscience and omnipotence as seen from various proverbs and myths Mainga Lozi legend has it that in the beginning, Nyambe lived on earth in consort with his wife, Nasilele Jalla The aggressive tendency of man, Kamunu, compelled Nyambe to flee to heaven where he set up his village, Litooma.

The myth of this episode recounts how Nyambe ascended to heaven riding on a spider. The purpose of blinding the spider was to deter man from imitating him as he had done at different occasions. With the departure of Nyambe to heaven, the sun was recognized as his proxy, while the moon represented Nasilele Turner At other times, people thought Nyambe lived amongst the stars from where he influenced their lives and death Arnot Further, prayers were made at sunrise perhaps, demonstrating associations with sun worship.

Those who remember the ancient Nyambe worship, look up to the rising sun each morning for continued provision. With heads bowed to the ground, they clasp their hands in prayer Jalla The cult of Nyambe lacks the office of priest. However, this function was performed by the oldest member of the family whether male or female. Such a functionary was responsible for officiating on behalf of either the family or village Mainga Rituals were carried out at an altar situated in the eastern fringes of the village.

The altar was composed of white sand or a wooden structure or both. Lozi traditionalists It appears that Nyambe was worshipped only on special occasions and crises such as seedtime and harvest time, war, drought, sickness and death Turner For instance, before planting commences in September, the village headman sweeps and prepares a spot where an altar is erected.

An altar is constructed from sticks and clay and it serves the purpose of holding a dish. Households then place a little of each seed they intend to plant.

Garden utensils such as hoes, axes and assegais are also placed on the altar. Thereafter, the headman kneels before the people in front of the altar facing the rising sun. The headman joins his hands and bows down, and then he looks up raising his hands. He continues to stand up and kneel down repeatedly while turning to the right and the left. The villagers join in and follow the leadership of the headman Turner After prayer, the head man blows the horn and the gathering gives a royal salute.

This action precedes subsequent bowing and clapping gestures. Similarly, when faced with sickness or prior to embarking on a hunting trip or after a nightmare, a person may pray to Nyambe. Abstaining from work that day and remaining in prayer to Nyambe the whole day until sunset, accompanies such periods of prayer.

During the new-moon prayers were made to Nasilele the wife of God Jalla According to Coillard The day of the New Moon was kept strictly as a day of rest. Celebrations were held with men without distinction, participating. Women applauded with shrill cries from a distance.

At these feasts, oxen were slaughtered, cooked and eaten in public. The New Moon was greeted immediately as its out line appeared.

Although direct prayers to God are seldom except for serious problems, he is also addressed indirectly through ancestors Westerlund In this case, prayers and sacrifices are directed to the spirits of the ancestor kings as against Nyambe the Supreme Being.

The institution of kingship and royal cult, lies at the center of Lozi society Isichei In pre-colonial time the king was paramount in terms of the socio-economic and political structure of the kingdom. These functions have been taken up by the post-independence national government. Lozi people prescribe to a belief in the divine ancestry of the royal family. The royal family is said to have descended from Nyambe through the ancestress, Mbuyu Coillard Through royal descent, an individual is eligible for kingship.

At installation, the candidate undergoes a series of purification rites. After the performance of various rituals and investment of royal insignia, the king is presented to the populace. Henceforth, the king is shrouded in mystery, power and ritualism. The installation of an individual with kingship makes him distinct from ordinary people. The royal grave cult can be traced back to Mboo the first known Lozi king during the settlement period Giles It does not appear among the earlier groups.

The ceremonial sacrifice at the royal grave is a late development only recorded during the reign of Ngombala the sixth king, contrary to legendary accounts referring the sacrificial rites to the beginning Jalla Burial of a king. Circa Lozi tradition regarding animal sacrifice at royal graves, narrates that Mbanga, the son of Ngombala, the second ruler in the Southern reaches of the kingdom, ascended to heaven where he acquired great wisdom from Nyambe. While in heaven, Ngombala requested animals.

Nyambe gave him animals from which a herd was picked for sacrifice at the royal graves on his return Jalla It is therefore apparent that the rulers developed the royal grave cult together with its mythical features in order to set kingship above scrutiny. The king continues to have special powers even after death. At any rate, the king is said to become more powerful in death than in life.

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Gabon issued a second Eurobond in December. Frontier markets are generally small, illiquid and risky, so it is a surprise that recent tremors in emerging markets have not shaken them more. Exotix, a broker, calculates an average interest-rate spread of Eurobonds from 50 frontier markets compared with Treasuries.

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